VI.
WHY THE ARTISANS’ DWELLINGS BILL WAS WANTED.
(first published in Macmillan’s Magazine, June, 1874.)
As some of the readers of this paper will know, it is now
many years since I first began to interest myself in the condition of the houses
in which the London poor are lodged, and the best means of making them cleaner
and more wholesome than at present.
For a long time I hoped for success in this matter, chiefly
from the gradual spread of individual interest and effort in the work, and the
extension from street to street, and from court to court, of something like the
system which I and my fellow-workers had inaugurated in the houses committed to
our charge. But in the course of last year I for the first time began thoroughly
to realise the enormous magnitude of the problem which must be dealt with, and
the small progress which up to that time had been made in solving it. Moreover,
it had become clear to me that there were obstacles to the successful
prosecution of the work in certain courts and districts which neither societies
nor individuals could, as things at present stand, hope to overcome. Perhaps a
few examples of where the present machinery fails will illustrate my meaning
better than general statements of principles.
I have lately been asked to take charge of some people and
houses in a court in the neighbourhood of Drury Lane. For some years this court
has been in the possession of a company, which has done its utmost in the way of
expenditure to make the houses healthy and comfortable; but the directors
thought the tenants would gain something if I and my fellow-workers undertook
the collection of rents, and thereby brought personal influence and care to bear
upon the tenants. I went to the court to see what we could do further for the
people and place. It is entered by a low archway under a house in a principal
street, and has of course no roadway for carriages; nor is there any exit at the
end of it, a house which faces you as you enter the court blocking up the way.
The court itself is ten feet wide. It contains houses of four, six, and eight
rooms. These have each a little back-yard, in which are placed the dustbin and
water-closet, and the cistern to supply drinking water. Exclusive of the ground
covered by these, the yard is only three feet in length by four in breadth.
Immediately behind these small yards rise the back walls of
houses which are in some cases much taller than the houses in the court, and
make the back-yards like wells, into which the sun’s light can rarely, if
ever, penetrate. From these wells of yards the back rooms and staircases draw
their only light, dim even at midday, when the sun shines brightly. I looked
eagerly out for ways of increasing air and light, at least on staircases, which
ought to be shafts of pure air to refresh the rooms so often kept shut up, so
full of unclean stuffy furniture, bedding, and clothes, so full of people
exhausting the air. But all that was possible had been done: there was a window
on every landing, and though I at once saw that we could get the tenants to keep
these clean instead of leaving black strings of dirt on every pane, and heaped
accumulations of dirt on every ledge, yet most of the windows were wide open, so
no cleanliness would increase the feeble gleam of light which was all that could
descend between the high houses and surrounding walls; nor could any draught of
fresh air ever find entrance there. The houses all round belonged to owners who
had no interest in awarding a larger share of light and air to the dwellers in
the court. Nor was there any means of compelling them to do so, since no
Building Act lays down the amount of distance which must be allowed between the
walls of buildings which have stood where they do now for many years. All that
private effort unaided by statutory power could do to minimise the evil had been
or might be done. The intelligent and liberal owners of the court have done all
they could to improve it. I, for my part, was ready to enlist the sympathy and
educational influence of ladies who would train the people to cleanliness and
order; but who among us could ever move back that great wall which overshadowed
the little houses, and made twilight at midday?
Who could give space to move the water further from the
dustbins, and the drains further from the ground-floor windows? Who could
remove the house at the entrance under which the archway passed, or that at the
end, and let a free current of air sweep through the closed court? None of us. I
was not surprised to hear that low fever was often there. I said to a woman,
“You’ve a good deal of low fever down here.” “Oh no,” she replied,
“not now; it was bad, but two died opposite last Tuesday, and two at the end
on Saturday: we’ve not much now.” “Not much!” I thought to myself as I
walked sadly away.
Again, there was a court in Marylebone full of wild,
quarrelsome, dirty Irish, a sort of sink into which the lowest people drifted
when misfortune or wrongdoing were worst, and from which they rarely rose again.
It belonged to a man who would not sell, and did not care to improve the
condition of his people. At last, one day I happened to go down the court and
saw, to my inexpressible joy, a great bill on one house, “To be sold by
Auction.” There was but one clear day to learn value, see lawyers and
surveyors; but it was all done, and the lease of the house was bought by a
gentleman who put it under our control.
A friend undertook the management of the house. Business
takes her down there continually; she gets to know the people; she spends the
money received for the rents, after all expenses and interest on capital have
been paid, in improving the house. Water has been laid on; a new cistern placed
instead of the defective and unhealthy water-butt. Those leading immoral lives
are made either to reform or go. The elder girls are gathering round my friend,
and beginning to feel her influence; she takes them flowers; she is training one
or two for service. But she came to me one day with a grave face, and told me
about the old woman who lives in the back parlour. She is very old, and has very
bad rheumatism. No wonder, for the wall, against which her bed stands—the only
wall against which it can stand—is so damp that the water oozes out in large
drops, not only at the bottom, but for three or four feet above the floor. I
went down at once to examine and inquire. “All the houses are alike all down
the court,” said an old man. “It can’t be helped. In my parlour I’ve put
up match-boarding; it’s ground-damp, and nothing can’t be done.” It was
but too true. All the houses were alike, and it was ground-damp. But unwilling
to adopt the match-board plan, which hides but does not cure the damp, I asked
an architect to go and see whether, by underpinning the wall and putting in some
non-porous substance, the damp might be prevented from rising. This, he agreed,
was the only radical cure, but the underpinning would cost very nearly as much
as the lease had. Moreover, what was worse, the house was old, and probably
would not stand it. The only means of meeting the difficulty was to rebuild; and
whatever we ourselves may resolve to do in this particular instance, in most
such cases nothing effectual would be done. The cost of rebuilding would have to
be borne by individual lease holders, whose term is often short, and who are
frequently poor men; and sanitary inspectors naturally shrink from enforcing the
law except in the most extreme instances. A house may be condemned and pulled
down under Mr. Torrens’s Act; but that Act gives no power of compensating the
owner, nor does it empower any public body compulsorily to acquire the different
interests in defective houses, though, in the absence of some such power, it is
often practically impossible to satisfy all persons interested so as to get hold
of the house and effect the desired reform.
Again, there are many houses which it would be most
desirable in the interests of the class which inhabits them to buy and renovate;
but which, on account of defects in or even absence of title, no person or
company intending to lay out money in improvements would ever venture to
purchase. A man is found in possession who is willing to sell, but has no
title-deeds. Such a person of course cares only to collect the rents and
carefully abstains from spending anything on the property, for fear of losing
the value of his improvements, should any one with a better title appear. I have
met with many properties which I should have been glad to get under my care, but
which difficulties of this nature have kept me from buying.
I was led more particularly to consider how these and
similar obstacles could be overcome, and also to realise more clearly how little
had hitherto been done by existing agencies, when I was acting as member of a
committee called together last year by the Council of the Charity Organisation
Society to consider the best means of improving the dwellings of the poor in
London. Two facts which specially impressed me came out before that committee.
All the societies, and all private persons whom the committee could hear of as
having done any considerable work in building or adapting houses for the London
poor, were asked to send in returns of the number housed by them. Information
was received from numerous sources, including the Peabody Trustees, Sir Sydney
Water-low’s Company, and the Baroness Burdett Coutts. It was startling to find
that, since the Metropolitan Association (which was the first to begin the work)
commenced its operations some thirty years ago, it and its successors had
provided accommodation for only 26,000 people—not a great deal more than half
the number which is yearly’ added to the population of London!
And further, it came out that the difficulty in obtaining
satisfactory sites was such that Sir Sidney Waterlow’s Company had a large
amount of capital in hand, which they could not employ for want of suitable
ground. And this while capitalists, who care nothing and know nothing of their
property, are making money out of houses which are a curse to the neighbourhood!
But while we saw how much there was to do, and how little
comparatively had yet been done, and how hard it was to devise adequate
remedies, we were cheered by hearing that one great city had already faced and
overcome difficulties like our own. We heard of an Act passed in the year a866
for the improvement of the city of Glasgow, and the Lord Provost was kind enough
to come and give us information as to the nature and the working of that Act.*
(* What follows is condensed from, a report of the Lord Provost’s speech,
which appeared in the Charity Qrganisation Reporter of the 14th May, 1873.)
He said that in Glasgow the population had long been living
huddled together in masses—50,000 people being crowded into eighty acres. Many
of the houses had been without sufficient air or light, and many had been mere
dens of thieves and paupers. The promoters of the Act had come to the conclusion
that it was necessary to root out the evil, and had applied to Parliament for
power to borrow a million and a quarter; had marked the bad parts on a plan, and
had obtained powers to pull down, rebuild, or sell, as might be thought best;
in fact, entirely to change the place. They had got liberty to impose a rate of
sixpence in the pound, but had only found this necessary the first year; it had
then been reduced to fourpence for two years, then to threepence, and they were
now, he hoped, about to reduce it to twopence. They had employed a surveyor
quietly to buy up a large amount of property before they did anything, as the
prices would have risen if they had begun to improve before completing their
purchases. They had succeeded, with scarcely any disputes, in buying property to
the amount of one million, and had resold, at a profit, upwards of £300,000
worth, selling the sites under restrictions for building. Fever houses had been
removed, streets widened, and new thoroughfares run through the mass of
buildings. Those to whom the working of the Act had been entrusted had not gone
on the principle of building themselves; it had been sufficient to let the
public know that houses were wanted—builders had rushed in and had built whole
streets. Under their general Acts there was power to demolish only when a house
was unsafe, not when it was in a bad sanitary condition; consequently, nothing
could have been done without the powers of compulsory purchase and compensation
given them by the Act of 1866. The trustees were restricted by the Act from
removing more than 500 of the population at once, without a certificate from the
sheriff that’ accommodation was obtainable; but, in fact, houses had been
built to accommodate nearly double the number removed. The loss before
commencing had been estimated at £200,000, but he did not now put it at more
than £50,000, and even hoped to lose nothing by the work, though the expenses
had been heavy—the cost of the Bill and Parliamentary notices to occupiers
having been £17,000. The effect on the town generally was very beneficial. The
houses of bad fame were reduced fifteen per cent., the haunts of thieves and of
disease were broken up, the whisky shops had been reduced in number, and there
was moral as well as physical improvement.
The importance of the precedent thus furnished was obvious
and immense. The committee at once felt that here was the desired solution. If
powers of compulsory purchase such as had been given to Glasgow, such as are
given every day to railway companies, such as are conferred on the Metropolitan
Board of Works, when streets are to be widened, or new thoroughfares made, could
be vested in a body representing the ratepayers of all London, there would be
some chance of effectually grappling with the evil in its entirety. Such a body
might destroy houses, relet sites to builders or building companies, who would
undertake to provide suitable dwellings; or should none such be forthcoming,
might, in the last resort, itself undertake the task of rebuilding. It was
suggested to the committee, that the absence of any municipal government for
London, analogous to that of Glasgow and other large towns, would be a
difficulty; but they were unwilling to postpone action until the very
difficult task of organising a municipal government for London should be
achieved; and they thought that the necessary powers might be entrusted to the
Corporation in the City, and to the Metropolitan Board of Works in the remainder
of London, for the present. Should the whole of London ever come to be governed
by one central authority, the work and powers of the separate bodies might be
handed over to the new governing power.
The committee drew up and published a Report embodying this
view, and have since presented to the Home Secretary a memorial, expressive of
their hope that the Government will take some action in the matter, and
introduce a bill into Parliament containing provisions calculated to remedy
the existing evils. But while I feel sure that the matter is in the hands of men
who will not willingly let it drop, I feel also that at the present time it is
important that every means should be taken to interest the public on the
subject, and generate that force of opinion which makes realities of great
projects. Feeling this, I hoped that a visit to Glasgow, and a report of what I
found there, might do something to bring home to that large body of people, who
find Blue Books and Reports unreadable, some notion of what has been done in
Scotland, and might be done in our London.
I went, therefore, to Glasgow, and at once put myself into
communication with the leaders of the movement there; and the first thing they
showed me was the plan of the city as it was when the Act was passed, and
photographs of some of the buildings which they had pulled down under its
provisions. The unhealthiness and overcrowding must, I think, have been even
worse there than in London. The “wynds,” as they call them there, were at
least as narrow as the London courts. Like them, they were often blocked up at
one end, so as completely to stop the free passage of air. But I saw
there—what I have seldom or never seen in London—a perfect honeycomb or maze
of buildings, where, to reach the “wynd” furthest from the street, one had
to pass under archway after archway built under the houses, and leading from one
squalid court into another. Some of these narrow, tunnel-like passages appeared
from the plans to have been many yards in length. The houses, too, were higher
than is usual in London alleys, and the darkness and obscurity consequently
greater. There was another feature completely new to me, and which certainly
does not exist in London. Here and there, running up between house and house,
were narrow crevices, from six to twelve inches wide, and from these the back
rooms in some houses drew their only light. The existence of these crevices was
explained to me in different ways. Some people said they ‘represented spaces
once occupied by garden walls, on which neither of the adjacent owners had a
right to build; others, that the space was left that the eaves of each owner’s
house might drip on his own ground, and not on his neighbour’s; and this
latter explanation seems to be borne out by the common name of “dreepings”
or “wastings” applied to these crannies. At any rate, there they are on the
official plans, and I saw the remains of them on the spot—narrow spaces making
houses better no doubt at first than if they had been built back to back, with
no through draught. But when the habits of the people were dirty, and they threw
things out of the windows, these dreepings, being far too narrow to be cleansed
in any way, became receptacles where every kind of fever-breeding substance must
gradually have decayed, carrying disease in every breath of air. As I looked
over the official photographs of these “wynds,” dark and dirty, and in every
way degraded, and the chairman and secretary of the Trust which has had the
working of the Act kept saying, “This is still standing—but that is gone,”
and “That is taken away, and that and that comes down next month,” I could
not help feeling how proud and glad these men must be to have achieved such
reforms; and the longing rose strong in me that some one some day in London
might be able thus to point to the sites of the old fever-dens, and say, “They
are gone.”
The next morning I went to see what remains of the old
“wynds” and closes. I found that here and there a house, here and there
whole sides of a close or alley, had been taken down to let in the brightening
influence of sun and air. The haggard, wretched population, which usually
huddles into dark out-of-the-way places, was swarming over the vacant ground for
years unvisited by sun and wind. Children were playing in open spaces who had
never, I should think, had space to play in before. I felt as if some bright and
purifying angel had laid a mighty finger on the squalid and neglected spots.
Those open spaces, those gleams of sunlight, those playing children, seemed
earnests of better things to come—of better days in store. Of how bad things
had been, of how bad they still were, I had curious proof. In some of the courts
immense iron gates were standing, chained open when I saw them, but evidently
capable, when closed, of entirely barring the thoroughfare. As they seemed to
have been recently put up, I naturally asked why they were there. I was told
that when houses were removed which had previously blocked up one end of a
“wynd,” the thieves who haunt these places took advantage of the passage
thus opened to elude pursuit. To remedy this the gates were put up: they are
closed and locked at dusk, but the police have a master-key, so that they can
pass through to pursue, while the fugitives are hampered in their efforts to
escape. Merely to break in upon these nests of thieves cannot but be a great
good. Some kinds of wrong are not decreased by scattering them, but dishonesty
thrives most when fostered in such dens. The near presence of honest, respectable
neighbours makes habitual thieving impossible; just as dirty people are shamed
into cleanliness when scattered among orderly, decent folk, and brought into the
presence of the light.
I found that the new dwellings for the poor, which the
demolition of their old quarters had rendered necessary, had for the most part
been built, not on the old sites but in the suburbs, upon land bought for that
purpose by the trustees of the Act, and by them leased to builders, who were
bound to erect workmen’s tenements. These new dwellings were of a type
superior to those previously inhabited by artisans in the city, and they have
accordingly largely resorted there, leaving their old abodes to be occupied by
those displaced from the demolished “wynds” and courts. - It is of course
far better that the new houses should be thus erected by people who take up the
work as a commercial enterprise than by any municipal body or benevolent
society; and the framers of the Act had hoped that this would be done. But to
secure the Act from failing of its object, powers were conferred on the
trustees, which enabled them to undertake the work of reconstruction should
they find it necessary. But it was not necessary: speculators readily came
forward, and building of new dwellings by private enterprise more than kept pace
with the removal of the old houses. This prompt supply of substituted houses
must have tended to prevent the rise in prices which might otherwise have
occurred had the displaced population been left—as they have too often been
left in London when large blocks of houses have been removed—to compete for
lodgings in neighbourhoods already overcrowded.
Moreover, in Glasgow special care has been taken to enforce
laws against overcrowding; and, as already mentioned, the special Act most
wisely provides that not more than 500 people shall be removed in six months,
unless the sheriff issue a certificate that he has been satisfied that enough
houses are standing empty to lodge the displaced population. This provision, I
was assured, had been rigidly complied with.
Glasgow, then, has not only got an Improvement Act, but has
carried it into effect in such a way as to bring about the entire sanitary
reform of the city. Now, are there any difficulties which should hinder London
from achieving a like success? There is but one point of difference likely, as
it appears to me, vitally to affect the question, and that is the great distance
of our suburbs from some of our most crowded districts. In Glasgow, as I have
said, cheap land could be had in the outskirts, and within a mile of the
“wynds” which had to be destroyed. The workmen who went to live there are
not too far from their work, and are easily and cheaply transported to and fro
by the numerous tramway cars which run into the very heart of the city. But our
suburbs are too far away for us to hope that the majority of our poor, or even
of our skilled workmen, can live there. Many might go—perhaps we hardly
realise how many. For these, of course, workmen’s trains and tramways should
be encouraged; and will, no doubt, be provided as the suburban population
increases. Extension of the number of compulsory workmen’s trains, and
enforcement of an earlier hour for their arrival at the terminus, might be
advisable. We may also hope something from the decentralisation of industry,
and the likelihood of factories following workmen to the suburbs if it become
easier to get hands there. But when all this is granted to the full, there would
remain, at least for many years, a certain number—I believe a very large
number—who must live near their work, and whose work must be in London. How
are the wants of these to be met? The difficulty is the greater because they are
likely to be the poorest. Those who earn high wages can afford to pay for trams
and trains; they have shorter and more fixed hours for work, and do not need to
engulf all their families in the vortex of labour, but can leave their wives and
children in suburban houses. But the widowed charwoman, obliged to run home and
get the children’s dinner, the dock-labourer, the costermonger, how shall
their needs be met? For these and many others cheap dwellings would have to be
provided in the neighbourhood of their present homes.
The problem is. how to do this without either raising the
rents to a prohibitory height, or committing the fatal mistake of attempting to
house a large population by charity. Now numerous experiences have convinced me
that houses may be bought, pulled down, and rebuilt, and the rooms in the new
buildings let at less than the rent which was paid in the original houses, and
yet a return of £5 per cent. net profit be made to the landlord on all moneys
laid out, whether in. purchase, demolition, or building operations.* (*
I give my latest experience of this kind here Some houses lately
purchased in a crowded court, the rooms of which were let at an average rental
of 3s. 0 ½d., have just been rebuilt, and are let at an average rent of 2s. 7
½ d. a room, though many conveniences have been provided which were lacking in
the old habitations, and there are no longer any rooms underground. The rents in
many of the improved buildings seem higher in proportion than they are, because
people compare a set of new rooms with a single old room.) This result
has been repeatedly achieved under conditions in many respects less favourable
than those which would often be present when people were working on a large
scale, and with greater areas to deal with. For instance, where the houses were
of two storeys only, the height could be raised, and the accommodation, and
consequently the rental increased, whilst in covering large spaces with
buildings constructed on a regular and systematic plan, much space would be
gained which is at present wasted, owing to the fact that streets have been
built and houses run up in a haphazard way, and at different times. How
strikingly this sometimes is the case will appear from a statement of the
Metropolitan Dwellings Association, that “while the population of
Westminster (the most densely populated part of the metropolis) is only 235
persons to an acre, they can house 1,000 persons to the acre, including in the
area the large courtyards and gardens attached to their blocks.”** (**Quoted,
with confirmatory evidence, in the Report of the Dwelling; Committee of the
Charity Organisation Society, p. 11. Longmans.)
But supposing that to pull down and rebuild houses on an
improved, plan is not so expensive and wasteful as might at first sight be
supposed, would it not be unwise to put half London into the hands of public
authorities, and make them responsible for the building, management,
supervision, and leasing of hundreds of thousands of houses? The answer is easy!
Though it might be prudent to put into the Improvement Act clauses which would
empower the municipal authorities to rebuild should no other agency come
forward, yet the experience of Glasgow, as well as the probabilities of the
matter, suggest that other agencies would come forward, and that private
enterprise would be sure to do all that was wanted. As soon as the ground was
cleared—perhaps even before it was cleared—companies and private builders
would see their way to a profitable undertaking, and, as at Glasgow (where,
by-the-way, there are no philanthropic building societies), would soon come in
and replace the condemned dwellings by buildings of the kind required.
And now I have little more to say, except to make one or
two suggestions which may perhaps throw some light on the problem of
reconstruction, and the way in which it must be worked out.
One great element of cost in building a London house is the
expense of the site. In some parts of the town each square inch has its price.
To use the space acquired to the best advantage, and with the strictest economy
compatible with due regard to sanitary requirements, must be the first object of
the builder; and in considering how to secure this end, we must remember that
frontage to a thoroughfare is a great element in determining price. The sites,
therefore, which abut upon the busier streets must not be used for the dwellings
of the poor, if their rents are to be kept sufficiently low; and yet the poor
often require to be lodged in the immediate neighbourhood of these streets. We
have also to remember that in most cases the houses in the main thoroughfares
would not have to be disturbed, and that consequently the lines of London, as it
stands at present, would be to a great extent left unchanged.
But we perpetually find in crowded parts of London blocks
of houses built after this fashion: we have, first of all, a square of larger
houses facing four streets. These once had gardens, yards, or spaces at the
back; but as land became more valuable these have been built over, usually with
much lower houses, to which access is gained by a narrow passage from one or
more of the thoroughfares, sometimes open to the sky, sometimes a mere tunnel
under the house. It is these inner and lower houses which usually form the
alleys and courts, and would be the proper subjects of demolition; but the space
gained by their destruction could not be effectively used unless power were
given to break through the inclosing line of overshadowing houses, and make a
way for the free passage of air. For this purpose power would have to be taken,
not only over the houses whose state and position rendered their removal
imperative or advisable, but also over so many of the more substantial houses as
would need to be pulled down for the benefit of their humbler neighbours. Then,
supposing our square space cleared and its approaches unroofed and widened, we
shall use it to the best advantage by substituting for several courts of low
houses (without well-planned relations to one another or to the houses in main
thoroughfares) a single line or block of central dwellings. These must be much
higher than the buildings they replace, so as to accommodate the same number of
people, while leaving ample space between the inner block and the encircling
shops and dwellings which face the streets.
But it is still probable, when all is done, that the poor
may have to pay a little more for the substituted houses than they pay for their
present dwellings, if sanitary reformers and philanthropic enthusiasts insist
on elaborate appliances, costly to erect, and costly also to keep in order. To
these latter I say, Do not aim too high. Be thankful to make any reasonable
progress. It is far better to prove that you can provide a tolerable tenement
which will pay, than a perfect one which will not. The one plan will be adopted,
and will lead to great results; the other will remain an isolated and unfruitful
experiment, a warning to all who cannot or will not lose money. If you mean to
provide for the family that has lived hitherto in one foul dark room, with
rotten boards saturated with dirt, with vermin in the walls, damp plaster, smoky
chimney, approached by a dark and dangerous staircase, in a house with no
through ventilation or back-yard, with old brick drains, and broken-down
water-butt without a lid; be thankful if you can secure for the same rent even
one room in a new, clean, pure house. Do not insist on a supply of water on
every floor, or a separate wash-house for each family, with its
greatly-increased expense of water-pipes and drainage. Build a large laundry
which shall be common to the whole house, and in other ways moderate your
desires somewhat to suit the income of your tenant. Give him by all means as
much as you can for his money, but do not house him by charity, or you will
house few but him, and discourage instead of stimulating others to build for the
poor.