Victorian London - Education - Education for the poor - working men's clubs

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The Informal Education Archives 
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PROSPECTUS FOR CLUB AND INSTITUTE UNION 

   This Union is formed for the purpose of helping Working Men to establish Clubs or Institutes where they can meet for conversation, busi­ness, and mental improvement, with the means of recreation and re­freshment, free from intoxicating drinks; these Clubs, at the same time, constituting Societies for mutual helpfulness in various ways.
    It will be the aim of the Council of the Union to assist in extending or improving existing Associations which have in view objects of a kindred nature with the above, as well as to promote the establishment of Clubs or Institutes where no such Associations may now be found. In order to consolidate and strengthen the action and mutual fellowship of these various Associations, Clubs, or Institutes, the Council will invite them to become Registered Members of the Union. (In reference to the use of intoxicating drinks on the premises, the Council are strongly of the opinion that their introduction would be dangerous to the interests of these Societies, and earnestly recommend their exclusion. They make this recommendation simply on prudential grounds, the reasonableness of which, it is believed, the Working Classes will be the first to acknowledge.  The Council also recommend that at least one-half of the managing body should be bona-fide Working Men.
    The Council propose to carry out the objects of the Union:
    1.     By correspondence with the Officers of existing Associations through­out the kingdom.
    2.     By personal visits, by their own Officers and by honorary deputa­tions, to such places as may seem to require to be visited. At these visits conferences will be held with the Working Classes, and with others in the locality who may be interested in the object.
    3.     By the dissemination of tracts, or special papers, on subjects lying within the sphere of the Society’s operations.
    4.     By supplying instructions for the guidance of persons who may wish to establish Clubs or Institutes; together with rules to define their objects, and to regulate their proceedings.
    5.     By grants or loans of Books for Club Libraries, Apparatus, Dia­grams, etc., to Societies in membership with the Union, in cases where local circumstances may seem to call for such aid.
    6.     By grants of money in special cases, by way of loan or otherwise, towards the building, enlarging, or altering Club Houses, or procuring recreation grounds, for Societies in the Union.
    As soon as a sufficient number of Clubs shall have joined the Union within a given district, the Council will combine them in local organisations, under specified conditions. Half-yearly, or sometimes quarterly, meetings of Delegates from the various Clubs will be held in each dis­trict, for the consideration of matters of local interest, and for the discussion of social questions; while an annual conference of District Representatives will be held at various large towns in succession, to consider matters of a more general character.
    The council will be glad to receive communications addressed to their Secretary, from persons desirous of promoting these objects either in their own locality or generally. Information and assistance will be gladly given and received.
    Donations and subscriptions for the Union will be thankfully received by the Secretary, or they can be paid at the London and Westminster Bank (St James’s Square, S.W.), or any of its Branches.
    An Annual Subscription of not less than [??], or a Donation of not less than £10, constitutes the contributor a member of the Union.
    Notwithstanding all the efforts made to improve the character and condition of the Working Classes in this country, intemperance, ignor­ance, improvidence, and religious indifference still abound among them to a deplorable extent. One main reason of the want of more complete success is probably to be found in the incompleteness of the measures adopted. Vast good, for instance, has been accomplished by the Tem­perance Reform, but it often fails to retain those whom it has reclaimed from intemperance, in not supplying something to occupy the leisure hours formerly spent at the public-house. Mechanics’ Institutes, also, with efforts of a kindred character, have done a great work; but they, too, generally fail in not providing recreation and amusement. Their aims have been too high for the great majority of Working Men; hence, while they have attracted and benefited many, the inducements held out have failed to withdraw the multitude from habits and indulgences which all alike deplore. As a result, we find such Institutions now generally given up to the trading and middle classes. Working Men’s Colleges, admirable as they are, require some such intermediate step between them and the public-house as the Societies above described.
    Recreation must go hand in hand with Education and Temperance if we would have real and permanent improvement; while efforts should be specially made to awaken or cherish a brotherly spirit of mutual helpfulness among men themselves, as well as between them and the classes socially above then. The best hope of success is in thus binding people together for worthy ends in a true brotherhood, so that each may be led to give as well as to receive, striving to contribute to the common good. Higher results will follow as these preparatory measures are successful; and when the temptations to debasing indulgence are removed the way is open for good influences of every kind.
    The aim of the Union in all cases would be to help Working Men to help themselves, rather than to establish or manage Institutions for them — this being as essential for the moral usefulness as for the permanent success of our endeavours. Local and Working Class efforts may fre­quently be fostered and developed by external help with the happiest result, when the establishment of entirely new institutions, managed by the higher classes in the neighbourhood or by a central Society, would be viewed with jealousy or indifference. The very first step towards forming a Club or Institute would be to interest the Working Men of the district in the undertaking, and to make them feel that, when once started, its management and success must depend mainly on themselves.
    The next point in forming these Societies would be to procure suitable premises for the accommodation of the members, containing rooms to be used for conversation, refreshments, recreation, etc., and others for classes, reading, lectures, and music. A library of entertaining and in­structive books, scientific apparatus, diagrams, etc., a supply of news­papers, and some works of art, should be aimed at. The services of efficient teachers, paid and unpaid, should be procured; Discussion Classes, to awaken thought and a desire for knowledge, should be estab­lished; readings from amusing and eloquent writers, interspersed with music and recitations, should be given periodically; and, generally, any similar measures adopted for effecting the objects in view. Women should have the privilege, on a small payment, of taking books out of the library, and of admission to the lectures and concerts of the Institute; also to classes, when efficient female superintendence could be procured. The very valuable influence of educated women has of late years shown itself in various schemes to improve the condition of the Labouring Classes. A much wider field for this influence may be afforded by Societies such as those now advocated.
    The Club Rooms in every locality will form the strongest counter­action to the allurements of the Public House. The desire for social enjoyment and the love of excitement are the impulses that habitually drive the Working Classes to visit the Beer Shop. These instincts also form a great temptation of reclaimed drunkards. They remain as strong as ever in their nature after they have become abstainers, and the Public House stands before them as the most available means for their grati­fication. Music, also, which ought to purify and refine, is now extensively employed as a temptation to drinking and other vices. Until there shall be established in every locality an institution that shall meet these in­stincts with superior attractions, but without temptations to evil, it is unreasonable to expect a great diminution in the drinking customs of the working population. This want the proposed Clubs will supply. Here the Working Man will obtain, at a charge within his reach, social intercourse and healthy mental excitement — the refreshment he requires or the improvement he seeks.
    The extent to which Working Men suffer from their dependence upon the Public House merely for business purposes is also an immense evil, and one that is still inadequately appreciated. (See Mr Tidd Pratt’s last Report where he remarks, ‘The holding of these Societies at a Public House is also another ground of their failure . . . in the course of last year the Registrar found that in Herefordshire, since 1793 the number of Societies enrolled and certified were 136; of this number 123 were held at Public Houses and 13 at schools or private rooms. Of those held at Public Houses no less than 42 had broken up, but of those held at schools or private rooms only one had been dissolved.’ Even where no drinking is allowed during business hours a considerable sum is often spent afterwards, especially by the younger men.) Gradually, however, the proposed Clubs and Institutes will become the Houses of Call for men in search of work and will be the centres of various Working Men’s Societies, such as Friendly Societies, Freehold and Building Associations, Co-operative Societies, Circulating Libraries for the district, Temper­ance Societies, and of any similar agencies calculated to improve the condition of the Working Classes.
    These are no mere visionary ideas. They have been already reduced to practice with most beneficial results in Westminster, Notting Hill, Clare Market, Brighton, Norwood, Manchester, Shrewsbury, Leeds, Farringdon, Liverpool, Carlisle, Southampton, Scarborough, and many other places. THE WORKING MEN’S CLUB AND INSTITUTE UNION aims at multiplying such results by stimulating and assisting local effort.
   
The time is evidently ripe for this movement. In all directions earnest and benevolent people are groping after the means of making isolated efforts for elevating the Working Classes above debasing vice and ignor­ance; but these efforts often need judicious guidance or timely support, and would be greatly assisted by united counsels and organised power. Our hard-working brethren can seldom find time to initiate, or can rarely obtain adequate support among their own class for local enter­prises of this nature. Those best acquainted with them, however, know that they thankfully welcome such help as it is now proposed to afford.
    In conclusion, it will be seen that, while the Working Men’s Club and Institute Union may be useful with the smallest, it will be able to make efficient application of the largest means that may be placed at its disposal — beginning with selected localities, and widening its sphere of action in proportion to the public support it may receive. The council earnestly solicit the assistance, personal and pecuniary, of all who ap­prove their objects; and, sincerely praying that the Divine blessing may rest upon this undertaking, they commend it to the support of all who desire the true welfare of the Working Classes of this country.

Henry Solly, Prospectus for the Club and Institute Union, 1862

see also Dickens's Dictionary - click here

Working Men's Clubs.* -- [* For most of my information on this subject, I have to thank Mr. Norman Grosvenor, who with one of my Secretaries, Mr. Hardy, personally visited every club on my behalf.]  The 115 Clubs in East London and Hackney may be primarily divided into those which can be entered by a stranger and those which cannot. Those which open their doors at all, do so very readily and very completely. They have not only nothing to hide, but are very generally proud of their position. They are moreover not infrequently linked by affiliation to the "Working Men's Club and Institute Union," or the "Federation of Working Men's Social Clubs," on terms which provide for the welcome of the members of any one club by any other club in the same association. Thus a very wide natural publicity is given to all their proceedings, and it is not difficult for the social inquirer to obtain trustworthy information about them and even himself to experience their hospitalities.
    As to those which decline to open their doors to strangers, I can give no information except as to the reputation they enjoy, which, it must be said, is very bad. They are usually called "Proprietary" clubs, and there can be no doubt that betting and various forms of gambling, but chiefly betting, are their main objects. On my list are 32 such clubs within the limits of the district. Some are dramatic and others make dancing a principal attraction, but in all cases their foundation and raison d'e'tre is gambling in one form or other. Some of them are respectable, frequented by bookmakers of good repute. Others are very disreputable indeed, being, it is said, a combination of gambling hell with the lowest type of dancing saloon. All alike maintain a jealous privacy. An outer door labelled "members only," an inner door of baize ; a window with a sliding shutter, through which, as the visitor enters, appears promptly the face of the doorkeeper ; an entire refusal to give any information or admit any strangers ; such are their suggestive characteristics. Grave responsibility evidently attaches to their management, and police raids from time to time justify the precautions taken. These clubs seem to be short-lived, but die in one street only to spring up in the next. Shoreditch is the quarter in which most are found. Those in Whitechapel, of the same sort, but belonging to Jews and foreigners, are more permanent and probably more truly social in character. These clubs are of various grades and cater for every class from A to H; but not one of them can be properly called a working men's club. The total number of members will not be very large.
    The clubs which live in the light of day may be conveniently considered in three divisions : (a) Philanthropic clubs in connection with churches or missions, started, supported, and managed by outside influence ; of these there are 33 ; (b) Social, numbering 18; and (c) Political, of which there are 32.
    The division between the philanthropic and the true Working Men's Club is not very clearly defined, for while many philanthropic clubs are merely adjuncts to missions; others, such as the " University Club " in Victoria Park Square, and the "United Brothers " in Commercial Street, are practically self-supporting and to a great extent self-managed. All, however, are superintended, and so are not as interesting a study as the spontaneous self-managed clubs. A practical distinction between the philanthropic and the self-supporting club is to be found in the question of drink. All the philanthropic clubs but one are teetotal; while, with the sole exception of the Jewish Club in Great Alie Street, all the social and political clubs are not. To make a club self-supporting without the sale of beer is very difficult. The bar is the centre and support of a working man's club—the pole of the tent. The structure must be upheld in some way, and failing the profits from liquor sold, support must be found in subscriptions from outside; for in no other way but the paying for drinks will any of these clubs make sufficient effort to support itself--a rather striking proof of the preference for indirect taxation. Moreover, the clubs are not only run on the profits of the beer sold, but the prospects of these profits in very many cases raise the funds needed to make a start. Brewers find it to their interest to follow up their customers in this way, and lend. money towards the fittings of the club. Repayment is not pressed, nor is the security scrutinized ; for the lender is repaid by profit on the beer supplied.
     The difference between the Social and Political clubs is slight, lying mainly in the mode in which they are started. Social  clubs in East London may or may not acquire a political tinge, but those intended to be political cannot stand unless social, and the social side tends to become more important than the political. For both, the friendly mug of beer—primordial cell of British social life—supplies the social bond, as well as the financial basis. There must be beer, but there is a good deal else. Almost every club has entertainments on Saturday and Monday, and a concert or discussion, lecture, or some other attraction, once or in some cases twice in the day, on Sunday ; and billiards, bagatelle, and whist are greatly played. Whether from the publican or from the club, these are the things demanded by the people—beer, music, games, and discussion.
    It is said by those hostile to clubs that they are mere drinking dens, sought because they remain open when the public-house is shut. Or they are objected to in a general way as antagonistic to family life.
    As to the first charge made, it has; with regard to the great majority of members, no foundation. As to the second, it is not so much the clubs which draw men, as their own restless spirits which drive them from home. In any case they would go out, and better as I think if they go to the club than elsewhere. Some competition is not amiss : the homes might easily be made more attractive than they are.
    In considering these objections and the whole question whether clubs are on the whole an element of good, it would be unfair to take too high a standard. The leaders may consciously realize the higher ideas of the movement, but the rank and file are not above the average of their class, and usually join clubs with no higher motives than those which influence the ordinary club-goer of any class, or would otherwise take them to the public-house. Looked at in this rather low way, clubs seem to me better than the licensed public-houses they tend to replace. Nor do I see that they compare unfavourably, all things considered, with the majority of clubs in other places. The language one hears in them is the language of the streets ; stuffed with oaths, used as mere adjectives ; but in every class, oaths of one sort or other are pretty frequent on the tongues of men, and especially young men, who are numerous in every club. The fashion of the oath is not of much importance, whether beginning with a B or with a D.
    Evidence of the spirit of self-sacrifice is not wanting. In many cases the members do all the repairs and alterations of the club after their own day's labour is done. In a new club in Bethnal Green the chairs and tables have been made, walls papered, and bars fitted up, stage erected, and scenes painted in this way. Many, too, are ardent politicians, and begrudge neither time nor money in advancing their political views.
And something more may be said. Coarse though the fabric be, it is shot through with golden threads of enthusiasm. Like less Cooperation and like Socialism, though  in a less pronounced way, the movement is a propaganda with its faith and hopes, its literature and its leaders. This, it is true, applies to a few individuals only, but to many more club-life is an education. If the leaders are few, those who belong or have belonged to the Committees of Management are numerous. It may perhaps be thought that enthusiasm might find some better aim, and citizenship some other field, than the management of bar-parlour and "free-and-easy; " but taking things as they are, the working man's club is not a bad institution, and it is one with very strong roots.
    To come to some sort of analysis of the clubs. There are among the Religious and Philanthropic 16, with about 2600 members, named after the churches or missions with which they are connected. Most of these are intended for artisans and labourers. There are 3 belonging to the Y.M.C.A., mostly for clerks, &c., and some 7 others, among which are the " University Club " and the "United Brothers," already mentioned as ranking more properly with the self -managed and self-supporting clubs. In addition to these, are 6 Boys' clubs, of which the Lads' Institute, in Whitechapel Road, and the Whittington Club are the most important, having between them about five hundred members.
    The Social clubs are, as a class, much older than the political clubs: one half of them date their foundation as far back as 1880, and two of them previous to 1870; and their growth has been steady, in marked contrast to the uneven rapidity with which the political clubs have sprung into existence during the last few years. There are in all 18 social clubs, with about 5530 members. Of these, 4 are Jewish, while in 6 the majority of members are foreigners; 8 belong to the middle classes, and though the remainder may be, and are, called working men's clubs, they contain among their members a large sprinkling of the middle class. The subscription and entrance fee vary with the class of the club, but in most cases are higher than those of the political working man's club, and the financial position on the whole is stronger.
    Of Political, or more strictly Politico-social clubs, there are 32, of which 22 are Liberal and Radical, 6 Conservative, 3 Socialistic, and 1 Irish Home Rule. The Conservative clubs, with about 1800 members, belong mainly to the upper or lower middle class ; only one of them, with 200 members, is called a working man's club. Of the Liberal and Radical clubs, 7 (with over 2000 members) belong to the upper or lower middle class, 6 (with less than 1000 members) to the working classes, while 9 (with nearly 6000 members) are mixed. The three Socialist clubs count only 200 members amongst them, and the Home Rule club has over 100.
    Judging by the clubs there would seem to be no doubt of the political complexion of East London ; and the weekly
papers mostly taken - Reynolds's and the Dispatch - tell the same story. But the tone is not so much Liberal or even Radical, as Republican, outside of the lines, authorized or unauthorized, of English party politics, and thus very uncertain at the ballot box. There is also a good deal of vague unorganized Socialism.
    It will be seen how large a part the lower middle class plays in East London club life, but it is not easy to draw the line between this class and so-called working men. "What is a working man ? " is a question to which no very clear answer can be given. In theory, dealers and small master men would be excluded, but in practice my classes E, F, and G, the central mass of the English people, consort together in a free and friendly way. Some of the clubs draw also from classes C and D. Class H has its own clubs apart, class B has only those provided for it philanthropically.
    There are four clubs which from their size deserve special mention :—The United Radical with 2000 members ; the Boro' of Hackney with 1800 ; the Jews' club and institute in Great Alie Street with 1400 members ; and the University club with 700 members, besides about 400 belonging to the women's and children's sections. Any of these large clubs almost every evening is full of life, rising on occasion to the climax of a crush. All show what can be done with numbers, and point to the conclusion that in the enlargement of clubs rather than in their multiplication lies the road towards perfection. The possibilities in this direction amongst a dense population are almost unbounded; and it is found that men will come long distances to obtain the advantages which clubs on a large scale can offer.
    The Jews' Club, though now ranking as a social club, was practically established on a philanthropic basis, its large and substantial premises having been built at the expense of Mr. S. Montagu, M.P. As a social club, it is remarkable in three ways : (1) it is teetotal; (2) it admits both sexes to membership ; (3) it prohibits card playing.
    No club in East London is more ambitious than the University Club ; nor any more strict in confining its membership to the working class. Helped at the start, it now pays its way, and this without the sale of beer. It owes its success to the direction of its President, Mr. Buchanan, who hopes to show " that a people's palace can be built out of the people's pence."
    The subscription to an ordinary working men's political club is 6d per month with 6d entrance fee. The club opens at 6.30 P.M. and closes at 12 or 12.30 ; on Sundays, 11 A.M. to 1 P.M. and 6.30 P.M. to 11.30 P.M. If the club remains open longer the bar is closed.* [* Disorderly conduct may occur, but it is rare.] Great care is taken not to serve beer to anyone not a member or entitled by affiliation to members' privileges. The ordinary number of members is from 300 to 400. The management is by committee, consisting of president, vice-president, treasurer, secretary, trustees, and a varying number of ordinary members. The duties of door-keeper and bar-tender are in some cases taken by members of the committee in turn. The clubs pay their way, but usually owe more than their assets, if sold up, would discharge. A monthly or weekly statement of accounts is usually posted in the doorway with other notices. Beer, spirits, tobacco, and teetotal drinks are supplied at the bar at a profit of 30 to 50 per cent. The games played are billiards, bagatelle, and cards (chiefly whist and cribbage), draughts, and dominoes. The rule against gambling is strict and is not infringed to any noticeable extent. Billiards are the principal attraction, and the standing of a club may be gauged by the number of its tables. There is usually a small library kept in a room used for committee meetings. Some evening papers are taken, perhaps two Stars and an Evening Standard; Reynolds's paper, the Weekly Dispatch, and some illustrated or comic papers, with a local print, complete the list. The club premises consist of a large room with
billiard and bagatelle tables, a hall with small stage, bar room and committee room, library or reading room. The club has a political council whose lead the members usually follow. Entertainments, lectures, and discussions for Saturday, Sunday, and Monday are arranged by the committee. To the entertainments ladies may be brought and do come in considerable numbers, and there will be dancing on special occasions. The entertainments are sometimes dramatic but more generally consist of a succession of songs, comic or sentimental, the comic songs being often sung in character with change of dress. A music hall entertainment is the ideal aimed at. A chairman presides and keeps order, as at the free-and-easy or benefit performances held at public-houses, and as till recently was invariably the practice at the public music halls. The chairman sits at a table with his back to the stage, flanked by his intimates, and sundry jugs or pots of ale which are passed from hand to hand. He alone of all the audience is uncovered and he is faultlessly dressed. At his right hand lies his hammer of authority, and sometimes a sort of wooden platter to receive the sharp blows with which he calls for silence or emphasizes the chorus. He does not spare this exercise of his authority, and gives out, before each song, the name of the singer, in the ordinary public-house concert room style ; the formula being "our friend so and so will now oblige." The singers are sometimes professional, but more commonly semi-professional; those who do a good deal in this way and no doubt make money by it, but have other occupations. Others are purely amateur, members, or friends of members, who really perform to "oblige" their brother members. Two or three songs may be expected from each singer. The more purely amateur, the more purely sentimental the song as a general rule. The performance, though poor enough, serves to amuse the audience, but except on great occasions does not empty the billiard room. The entertainments are at times connected with some charitable object ; a member has perhaps had an accident or suffered from illness, and a concert is got up and tickets sold for his benefit. A pleasing feature connected with the entertainments given is a practice recently adopted of having a children's Christmas party. It is now very general, the expense being mainly defrayed by voluntary subscriptions of members. The United Radical Club alone entertained 4,000 children this year.
    On the whole these clubs are a bright and lively scene, and very attractive as compared to the ordinary homes of the classes from which the members are drawn.

Classification of Clubs

District Political Social Philanthropic and Religious Proprietary Total
Whitechapel 1 3 6 13 23
St. George's 3 3 2 1 9
Stepney 2 - 5 - 7
Mile End O.T. 5 3 3 1 12
Poplar 4 5 4 1 14
Bethnal Green 5 1 6 4 16
Shoreditch 3 2 1 40 16
Hackney 9 1 6 2 18
Total 32 18 33 32 115

List of Clubs

District Name of Club Address Political
Whitechapel E. London Hibernian 4 Thomas Street Social
  Jews' Club & Institute Great Alie Street Social
  Netherlands Choral Vine Court Social
  Netherlands Dramatic Bell Lane Philanthropic
  United Brothers Commercial Street (orig. 10, George Yard) Philanthropic
  Spitalfields W. M. C Hanbury St. Philanthropic
  All Saints' Club. 1A North Place Philanthropic
  Kadima Association Tenter Buildings Philanthropic
  Whittington Club Leman Street Philanthropic
  Lads' Institute Whitechapel Road Philanthropic
  United German 63 Lambeth Street Proprietary
  Prince's Club Prince's Street Proprietary
  Somerset Club Mansel Street Proprietary
  Clarendon Social Mansel Street Proprietary
  Jewish Entertainment Spectacle Alley Proprietary
  Sonnenschein Colchester Street Proprietary
  Imperial Fieldgate Street Proprietary
  Nirenberg's Backchurch Lane Proprietary
  Social Cigarette Makers' Church Lane Proprietary
  Champion Club Spital Square Proprietary
  Spital Sq. Club Spital Square Proprietary
  Cannon Club Gun Street Proprietary
  Jubilee Club Hanbury Street Proprietary
St. George's Artisan Radical Dean Street Political
  International W. M. C. Berner Street Political
  International W. M. C. Prince's Square Political
  German Club Prince's Square Social
  German Bakers' Christian Street Social
  German Club Christian Street Social
  St. John's W. M. C. Sanders Street Philanthropic
  Working Men's Club Cable Street Philanthropic
  Warsaw Club Joseph Street Proprietary
Stepney Tower Ham. Rad. Assoc. Durham Row Political
  Social Dem. Federation Burdett Road Political
  Brasenose Club Limehouse Political
  Phoenix Club & Institute Butcher Row Social
  Ratcliffe Club Narrow Street Social
  Old Church Club Bromley Street Social
  Working Lad's Institute Rhodeswell Road Philanthropic
Mile End Old Town Mile End W. M. C. Bridge Street Political
  Tower Ham. Rad. Club Redman's Road Political
  Tower Ham. Lib. Club Mile End Road Political
  Mile End Conserv. Club Burdett Road Political
  Conservative Club. Beaumont Square Political
  E. London Club Jamaica Street Social
  Gordon Club Commercial Road Social
  Albany Club Philpot Street Social
  St. Dunstan's Club Cologne Street Philanthropic
  Tower Ham. Y. M. C. A. Mile End Road Philanthropic
  St. Augustine's Club Settles Street Philanthropic
  Montagu Club Stepney Green Proprietary
Poplar Bow Liberal Club Ford Street Political
  Liberal Reform Club East India Dock Road Political
  Conserv. Constit. Club Newby Place Political
  Bow & Bromley Reform St. Leonard's Street Political
  Robson Club Wick Lane Social
  North Bow Social Libra Road Social
  Millwall Dock Club West Ferry Road Social
  Bow & Bromley Instit. Bow Road Social
  South Bromley Club Woollett Street Social
  Christ Ch. Mission East India Dock Road Philanthropic
  Thames Iron Works Orchard Yard, Blackwall Philanthropic
  Messrs. Braby & Co.'s Ida Wharf Philanthropic
  St. Saviour's Club Northumberland Street Philanthropic
  Carlton Sporting East India Dock Road Proprietary
Bethnal Green Bethnal Green W. M. C. Green Street Political
  Boro' of Bethnal Green Abbey Street Political
  United Radical Kay Street Political
  Gladstone Radical Baroness Road Political
  Conserv. W. M. C. Bethnal Green Road Political
  New Labour Club Victoria Park Square Social
  University Club Victoria Park Square Philanthropic
  St. Andrew's Club Oxford House Philanthropic
  St. Andrew's Institute Maple Street Philanthropic
  St. Peter's Club St. Peter's Street Philanthropic
  Working Men's Club Church Street Philanthropic
  St. Bartholomew's Club Brady Street Philanthropic
  New Commonwealth Bethnal Green Road Proprietary
  National Standard Bethnal Green Road Proprietary
  Cambridge Cambridge Road Proprietary
  Oxford & Cambridge Swan Street Proprietary
Shoreditch Boro' of Shoreditch New North Road Political
  Hoxton Radical Hoxton Square Political
  E. Finsbury Radical. City Road Political
  Carlyle Club Scrutton Street Social
  Cosmopolitan Club Charles Square Social
  Shoreditch Y. M. C. A. Kingsland Road Philanthropic
  Queen's Club Hoxton Square Proprietary
  Britannic Club Hoxton Street Proprietary
  Myrtle Club Myrtle Street Proprietary
  Nelson Club Old Street Proprietary
  Thalia Club Curtain Road Proprietary
  Goodwin Club Kingsland Road Proprietary
  Clarendon Club City Road Proprietary
  German Social Hoxton Street Proprietary
  German Dramatic Brunswick Place Proprietary
  Rivington Club Rivington Street Proprietary
Hackney Boro' of Hackney Haggerstone Road Political
  London Fields Radical Twemlow Ter., London Fields Political
  Hackney Radical The Grove Political
  S. Hackney Radical Brooksby's Walk Political
  N. Hackney Radical Church Street Political
  Hackney Wick Radical Victoria Road Political
  Reform Club Well Street Political
  Conservative Club Mare Street Political
  Conservative Club Glenarm Road Political
  Clapton Park Club Brooksby's Walk Social
  Hackney Wick W. M. C. Gainsborough Road Philanthropic
  Eton Mission Club Gainsborough Road Philanthropic
  Hackney Y. M. C. A. Mare Street Philanthropic
  All Souls' Club Overberry Street Philanthropic
  Amethyst Institute Stoke Newington Philanthropic
  Working Men's Club Stoke Newington Philanthropic
  Olympia Club Mare Street Proprietary
  Dalston Club Dalston Lane Proprietary

Charles Booth, Labour and Life of the People, Volume 1: East London,  1889